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A PLEA 



SOCIAL AND POPULAR 



REPO 



DELIVERED BE 





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THE LITERARY SOCIETIES 









OF THE 



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BY D. D. BARNARD. 



TRIBUNE PRINTLVG ESTABLISHMENT 7 SPRUCE- STREET. 
J. A. Fraetas, Printer. 

1845. 



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A PLEA 



FOR 



SOCIAL AND POPULAR EEPOSE; 



teEING 



AN ADDRESS 



DELIVERED BEFORE 



THE PHILOMATHEAN AND EUCLEIAN SOCIETIES 

OF 

THE UNIVERSITY OF THE CITY OF NEW-YORK, 
July 1, 1845. 

BY DANIEL D. BARNARD. 



NEW- YORK: 

TRIBUNE JOB PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT, 7 &PRUCE-ST 
JOS. A. FRAETAS, PRIKTEK, 

1845. 



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University or the City of New-York, 
Wednesday, July 2, 1845. 

Hon. D. D. Barnard : 

Dear Sir : In accordance with a resolution of the Philomathean and Eucleian 
Societies, under which the undersigned were appointed a committee, we respect- 
fully request for publication, a copy of the Oration you delivered before them last 
evening. 

While we tender you our sincere thanks for it, we shall feel still more obliged 
to you, if you would do us the honor to permit the Oration you have so eloquently 
pronounced, and we have listened to with so much pleasure, to go forth connected 
with the names of the Societies, in a permanent form, and to a wider audience. 
With deep respect, 

Your obed't serv'ts., 

CHAS. A. VAN DOREN, 

EDWIN R. COOK, 1 r • . n 

17 TM?T A i?TT?T n cTv/TT^rrj Jomt Coinmittee ol 



E. DELAFIELD SMITH, I ,v ^l i X ^ 

WM. R. MARTIN, \ ^^^ Philomathean and 

L W PECK Eucleian Societies, 

r! p. lowrie, J 



Albany, July 4, 1845. 

Gentlemen : 

I defer to the judgment of others, quite against my own original resolution, 
in acceding to the request you have made for a copy of my Address, for publica- 
tion. I beg leave to tender to you, and those ^vhom you represent, my grateful 
acknowledgements for the very kind manner in which my Address was received 
by your Societies at its delivery, as well as for the obliging terms in which a copy 
has been solicited. I am willing now to hope that its publication may do some 
good, since I have found that its sentiments, so little suited, in general, to the 
" forward-march" temper of our people and our times, seem to have been not alto- 
gether distasteful or unacceptable even to the glowing minds of young men. 
With sincere wishes for your health and prosperity, 

1 am, gentlemen. 

Your ob't. serv't., 

D D. BARNARD. 
Chas. A. Van Doren, and others. Committee, &c. 



ADDRESS. 



In speaking, on this occasion, to those whom I am here called more 
particularly to address, and whose position in society, as belonging to 
the class of the liberally educated, must be one of standing and influ- 
ence ; my object will be to put before them the humble convictions of 
my own mind in regard to what may be deemed, on the whole, the 
best service which the leading minds among us at the present day 
can render to the country and their fellow men. The question arises, 
How shall the educated young men of the country do most good? 
How shall they best secure their own rational happiness, and promote 
that of the world around them I 

It would be a very different question, if we were set to enquire how 
young men of genius, full of ardent desires for personal distinction 
and renown, might shape their course so as best to gratify their aspi- 
rations after fame and glory. Doubtless, there are many paths open, 
or which might be opened, to panting ambition, and into which the 
young men of this country might be invited to enter — paths such as Ho- 
mer and Milton, or Cicero and Pitt, or Plato and Johnson, or Phidias 
and Alston, or Archimedes and Fulton, or Pericles and Washington, or 
Alexander and Napoleon, have trod before them. They might be 
told that there is never any lack of occasion for writing good poetry, 
or good prose, for making good pictures or good statuary, for teaching 
good philosophy, for pushing scientific investigations, or for bringing 
out mechanic inventions. For all these the demand and the reward 
are sure ; and to those who have the genius for such high employment, 
the way is always open. It is not, however, it might be remarked, 
every day, in this country, that opportunities present themselves for 
the display of eminent statesmanship ; though there is abundant oc- 
casion at all times for the exercise of a wise and genuine patriotism — 
and this, out of office as well as in. And it were an intolerable mis- 
chief, if all those who take high office amongst us should come to 



deem it necessary, with or without occasion, to signalize their public 
employment, always, by some new or extraordinary event, or demon- 
stration. As for the business of leading armies and fighting battles, 
happily, it would seem from the experience of the last quarter of a 
century, there is not henceforward as much of that sort of work to be 
done, as in times past. If there are any amongst us at this day, whose 
military ardor seems to stir them up to feats of arms, they must needs 
first lend their influence to embroil peaceful nations in war, with or 
without cause, before they can put themselves in the way of sprinkling 
their young ambition with the baptism of blood. 

But it is very far from my object on this occasion, either to excite 
selfish ambition in any, or to show how selfish ambition may be grati- 
fied. I wish rather to minister to a more humble, though not less 
noble ambition — to a generous and ardent desire in those I address to 
have some active and efficient, though it may be humble part, in pro- 
moting the true interests, the real peace, prosperity and happiness of 
the community Now I have come to the conclusion that the very 
best influence which any man in this country can exert at the present 
day, whatever may be his talent, genius or capacity, would be an in- 
fluence against restlessness, and change, and agitation ; an influence 
in favor of quiet and repose, so far as these may consist with the pro- 
per developement of the just advantages which belong to our position, 
as a people. We are a people, embarked on a kind of new sea — a 
sort of mare clausuvi of our own — and I think it desirable on every 
account that it should prove to be a pacific ocean. I think it is infi- 
nitely desirable, considering how we have put ourselves afloat since 
the achievement of the revolutionary war, that we should be able 
to lay our course as direct as possible for our proposed and proper 
haven, and not be obliged to run through every kind of hazard and 
adventure, like the Greeks returning from the conquest of Troy, be- 
fore we are permitted to come within sight of home. I do not think 
that we should feel particularly obliged to any restless or capricious 
spirits among us, or around us, who, after the manner of some classic 
divinities we have read of, may occupy and amuse themselves in lash- 
ing the winds into tempests, and the waters into foam and fury, in 
our path. 

We are a people fond of speculation, experiment and adventure. — 
We are fond of new things. We are excitable, and we love to be 
"excited, and there is no little danger, as this temperament of the pop- 
ular mind may suggest the readiest means of creating a sensation in 
the world, that many among us may be tempted to minister to this in- 
satiate and dangerous passion and appetite. Of all the matter put 
before the public in the shape of lectures and popular addresses, or 
spread broadcast through the newspapers, or disseminated in pe- 
riodicals, or in solid books, how vast a proportion is employed in the 
effort to unsettle fixed opinions, and disturb steady habits ! In this 
ungracious work, the most consummate skill and ability are often 
times displayed. And nothing else is listened to or read, with half 
the same relish of delight. Eager and intelligent crowds, such as we 
may suppose, once thronged to hear Plato or Aristotle, press around 



the teachers of new things amongst us — our modern philosophers — 
our modern doctors of divine wisdom, revealed only to themselves. 
Ingenious disquisitions, often times very mystical and therefore capti- 
vating, ate pat forth on subjects in regard to which men may speculate 
and dispute forever, and never come so near the truth as old tradition, 
or the common sense of mankind has settled it. And frequently these 
are subjects, too, on which it is just as important as order in society, 
domestic quiet and personal peace can make it, that opinion should be 
settled. 

It is sometimes said, and justly, in referrence to the common law, 
that it is far more important that the community should know what 
the law is, by clear and authoritative exposition and decision, than that 
it should be always speculatively right. And the same thing is 
true, in regard to nearly all that concerns us in the common relations, 
and in the practical and every day duties of life. Now we have in 
our time, and in our country, a few capital guides and landmarks, as 
well for our opinions, as for our conduct, in nearly all the affairs to 
which our domestic, social, political and religious obligations relate. 
We have the Bible, and the Reformation, and the American Revolu- 
tion, and the Constitution of the United States. And in reference to 
what these import, and what they teach, we have the testimony, and 
the faith, and the example of good and great men who have gone be- 
fore us. I cannot admit, therefore, that it is difficult at this day, to 
understand what sort of a religion it is that the gospel of the New 
Testament establishes and enjoins. Nor can I adimit that it is diffi- 
cult to understand what sort of a government it was that was set up 
by the framers of the Constitution. Nor can I admit that there is 
much room for doubt, at this day, that the best and only wise social 
arrangement for any community of men, is that which divides them 
into families, and cultivates and cherishes the sacred affections and 
the blessed endearments of home and the domestic relations. And 
in regard to these cardinal and leading matters, it seems to me that 
the American people, might well enough be allowed to settle down 
into something like quiet and repose — as they would do undoubtedly, 
but for the very benevolent efforts which our philosophers and reform- 
ers make to induce them to cut adrift from all fixed opinions, from all 
settled habits, and from all the comforts of a reasonable and certain 
hope. 

Certainly, I would not interfere with as much individual dissent and 
as much private opinion and judgment on all these matters, as any 
body may see fit to indulge in ; and all who choose must be allowed 
to talk, and write, and preach, and lecture about them, to as many as 
they can find to heed or hear them. And they must be allowed to 
practice, too, after their own precepts, with as many as may be found 
to join themselves to their communion or party, they leaving others to 
an equal freedom, and stopping short themselves of offences against the 
law and order and peace of society. Still, in the face of all this — 
what I want to see in this country, is, enough of settled and solid opin- 
ion on fundamental questions, to keep the body of the public mind at 
ease and at rest, to keep society firm and assured, and enable it to 



8 

throw back, as from a rock based in deep unfathomed earth, all the 
shocks which the restless, the speculative, the bigoted or the fanatical 
may direct against it. I want to see the walls of the social fabric at 
least so strong that they shall not fall, without a miracle, by the blow- 
ing of ram's horns around them. They should be able to stand much 
fiercer assaults than these. They should be able to stand though 
something more than storms and howling tempests of wordy, windy 
war assail them. 

Surely, there are some things — some opinions — some principles — 
which should be deemed settled for us and our generation — though, of 
course, individuals must be allowed to think and say what they will. 
Every people must be settled and grounded in two things at least, be- 
fore there can be any stable foundation for national happiness, or much 
either for personal peace ; I mean their religion and their government. 
In this country we have Christianity, mainly, though not exclusively, 
in one form or another of the Protestant Faith, for our religion ; and 
for our government w^e have a representative republican system under 
written Constitutional Forms. Both the religion and the government 
are for the people. It is a national religion, as well as a national go- 
vernment : it is the religion of the body of the people constituting the 
nation. And a national religion is indispensable to a free government, 
that is to say, it is indispensable that among a people governing them- 
selves by representative forms, there should be a settled popular reli- 
gious faith. Of course I do not mean that there should be, or need 
be, any political connection between Church and State. But a free 
government must find its sanctions in the religious sense of the com- 
munity. It has no other ultimate appeal. The principle of obedience 
would sit lightly on the people, unless it were enforced by a common 
sense of religious obligation. And it is not enough to appeal, as we 
do continually, in all the afl^airs and relations of government, to the 
conscience of individuals. Individuals may disregard an oath ; indi- 
viduals may have no religious sense ; and our only safety consists in 
having a popular religious sense to fall back upon. 

In a Despotism, where government is a thing of mere physical en- 
forcement, a national religion might perhaps be dispensed with : though 
even there the necessity of a national religion is always strongly felt. 
Even slaves are found to be more easily, as they certainly are more 
humanely governed, if they can be brought under the influence of a 
common religious faith. In a free government, I repeat, a national 
or popular religion is indispensable — a religion which shall lend its 
awful sanctions to the authority of government, as an institution re- 
cognized in the counsels of God himself as rightfully demanding a just 
reverence and obedience as a duty to him. 

Now, we have, as I have said, the Christian Faith for our national 
religion, maintained principally, though by no means exclusively, ac- 
cording to Protestant Doctrines and under Protestant Forms. And what- 
ever difference of opinion there may be amongst us on points of theology, 
there can be none, I think, that for a popular religion this will do. 
Perhaps it may be pretty gerierally conceded that for a people profess- 
ing the political principles of Sydney, and the Declaration of Indepen- 



dence, this prevailing Protestant Faith of the country, is a very appro- 
priate and consistent religion. As an undoubting believer in Chris- 
tianity, and a Protestant, of course, I do not think it could be changed 
for a better, here or any where, by men or by nations — of course, I do 
not think there is a better, or can be — none so good, because none so 
true. Some others, however, may and will think differently on this 
point ; and all I mean now to insist upon is, that it is a very good, 
very safe, and very reliable religion for a nation of freemen — a very 
proper religion to be embraced and fastened on this country, by an un- 
yielding public opinion ; that it is not a thing to be deprecated or la- 
mented that this religion, rather than any other, should, in the com- 
mon popular judgment, be deemed the very best religion in the world 
both for men to live by and to die by. No one can undertake to say 
—at any rate we shall not believe — that this twenty millions of people, 
or the forty millions which they will become in a good deal less than 
forty years, would be sounder in morals, better instructed, wiser, more 
intelligent, freer, more prosperous, more peaceful and happy, or finally, 
that they would stand a better chance of national or personal accep- 
tance and favor at the hand of God, if the national religion were 
changed ; if the people should be persuaded to profess Judaism, or to 
become Mohammedans, or should take to following Fourier, or the 
prophet of Nauvoo, or if the whole body of Protestant Christians in 
the land could be wrought on to turn to the embrace of Eomanism. 

What I want then is, that this people should not be disturbed in their 
religious and Protestant faith, but built up in it, rather. Doubt, dis- 
traction, confusion and the sacrifice of all order and peace, must al- 
ways attend great revolutions in public sentiment on such great and 
grave matters as religion and government. Revolutions, whether in 
Church or State, even where there is no burning at the stake, and no 
flagrant war, breed disturbance and passion, discord, strife and anar- 
chy. Men of conscience and of any considerate thought, can never move 
or undertake them, except on some certain and grand necessity, and' 
for a sure and eminent good, not to be gained in any other way. The 
Saviour of the world, though the very Prince of Peace, most truly pro- 
claimed that he came not to send peace on the earth, but a sword. He. 
knew what must happen before his religion, which was the religion of 
peace and of love could be established on the earth. And wherever 
that religion has been established, in any country, as a popular faith, 
in any of its principal and distinguishing forms, it cannot be changed 
b"t by a revolution which must convulse society to its deepest founda- 
tion. We all know something of what the Reformation has cost the 
world — as much, perhaps, at least, of strife and blood, as it cost, ori- 
ginally, to plant the faith of the gospel of peace among the nations. 
It would cost as much or more to attempt to extirpate it where it has 
taken root. • I want to see no attempt, then, in this country, in my 
day, to effect such a revolution, or any great revolution, or any revolu- 
tion whatever, in the prevailing religious faith of the American people. 
If any such attempt has been begun, or has been projected, or thought 
of, anywhere, or by any body, I pray God that the counsels of all such 

2 



10 

may be confounded, now,'and forever. There is blood in the path of 
all such, and no peace, present or to come. 

But it is not great revolutions in religious faith alone, which I de- 
precate. In our country, perhaps, there is little danger — at least there 
is no immediate danger, that any such revolution could be effected, 
though it should be attempted. Even the attempt, I think, should be 
deemed a piece of gratuitous mischief and wickedness — so likely to 
spoil the peace and happiness of whole generations of men, so liable 
to whelm them in gulfs of fire and blood, that none but evil and 
damned spirits could be thought to contemplate it with compla- 
cency or composure. But laying these things out of view, I depre- 
cate aud deplore those agitations of the public mind, and that dis- 
turbance of the quiet and repose of popular life, which arises from the 
efforts both of infidel reformers, and of religious sectarian zealots, and 
teachers. Where the object, or the effect, is to unsettle religious 
faith — to engender a spirit of dissatisfaction or discontent towards a 
system of faith, or towards all faith — to bring out an arrogant feeling 
of self-dependence at war with all authority both in Heaven and 
earth — every body must see and acknowledge the mischief and the 
evil. And, for myself, I do not doubt that the efforts at propagandism, 
the efforts to make proselytes from one form of christian doctrine or 
worship to another, of which we see and feel so much, are attended 
with small benefit, if, any at all, compared with the mischief that is 
done. If religious sects and denominations, and religious teachers, 
would expend and exhaust their efforts and strength within their own 
communions, in inculcating the true Spirit of Christianity — while they 
maintain the truth of sound doctrine, as they understand it — in culti- 
vating and teaching, along with a catholic faith, honesty, purity, tem- 
perance, charity, contentment, obedience, mercy, love of truth and 
love of peace — if each and all would do this, and leave the increase 
of their respective communions to natural causes, no body will pre- 
tend to doubt that the gain to the world would be incalculable. 

I hope no body will suppose I am weak enough to think that, by 
my advice, the relir ious world will give up its sects and parties ; or 
that these sects and parties will cease to look each on its own wisdom, 
ways and excellence, with much self-complacency, and despise others. 
I certainly could hope that they may, some day or other, come to dis- 
cern that there is another way to build themselves up, and to build up 
religion, without the necessity of finding their materials in the ruins 
of fallen fabrics around them, which their strength has prostrated. — 
Surely there is room enough for all, and work enough for all to do ; 
and all, having any sufiicient ground of truth and worth to stand on, 
will find enough of support and enlargement in the natural and easy 
developement and progress of things. Possibly, they may come, by 
and by, to know that the best way even to sectarian success, is to 
make themselves as attractive as possible by their humble piety, their 
modest worth, and their adorning virtues. But what I rely upon in 
the matter, is this, that there will be found some men in every sect, 
who, holding opinions common to themselves and some others in 
erery other sect, on the superior value of charity and peace, as essen* 



11 

tial to the life and progress of true religion, and of all christian vir- 
tues, and all rational enjoyment, will stand firm and unmoved amid 
ail the shocking intemperance of party zeal, all the groans of bigotry 
and all the ravings of fanaticism, and who, by their united strength 
and weight, like ballast of iron and lead in the hold of a ship on the 
heaving ocean, will keep the religious world to a steady purpose, and 
course of godly and acceptable works and worship. 

I want to see my countrymen religious, moral and happy ; and I do 
not believe that they would be more truly religious, moral and happy, 
by the substitution of any other faith for the Christian and Protestant 
Faith, which they now generally hold ; nor do I believe that piety, 
morality and peace, would be promoted, on the whole, by any changes 
which might be wrought in the relative numbers of sects and parties, 
through fierce sectarian strife and angry wars. For my part, I have 
no fancy for strifes of any sort. The sports of the ring, whether it be 
a trial of physical strength and endurance, or any other, are no sports 
to me. And, least af ail things have I any fancy for religious gladi- 
torial combats. I do not think that wars of any sort are favorable to 
virtue and happiness — whether they are great wars, or small — wars 
of the devouring sword, or of the fiery tongue and pen. I think that 
a state of peace, is that in which human and humanizing virtues most 
flourish — national peace, peace in communities, peace in neighbor- 
hoods, peace in families, peace in the hearts of men. I think, without 
it, our religious and social institutions lose half their value — the 
church, the school, the college, the tyceum ; and so do our domestic 
appointments lose half their worth and relish — the endearments of 
home and family association, the calm pleasures of connubial union, 
and the happiness of children. I look upon life, as something to be 
enjoyed, and not merely endured — so bestowed by the great God and 
Giver, who has cent the capacity for enjoyment nearly every where, 
along with life. And in a thousand cases to one where enjoyment 
fails, the fault is in ourselves, or among ourselves. Among the causes 
which interrupt the enjoyment of life is this on which I have been 
commenting ; of strife and contention about religious forms of doctrine 
and worship. Holding, as I do, that a settled religious faith, both 
with individuals and communities, is one essential condition of true 
rational happiness, and believing that nothing could be gained in any 
way, on the whole, by such changes in this matter as party zealots 
and champions, or our philosophic reformers of any school, ancient 
or modern, French or German, or any other, would bring to this peo- 
ple, I look with strong dissatisfaction — I had almost said with loath- 
ing — on all their disturbing designs and operations. 

Let me not be supposed to entertain a desire to see free discussion 
suppressed or unjustly hindered. Let discussion be free on any and 
every topic fit for the human mind to think or speculate about. This 
is necessary, and it is right. If mischief is done, more misehief would 
be done by repressing free thought and speech — if that were possible, 
which all know it is not in this country. With us, men are free, and 
they will be free, to say what they think — yes, and what they do not 
think, if they choose. And no subject is so sacred, none so enshrined 



J2 

and holy, that some are not found bold enough to stalk familiarly 
up to it. There is no mount of God, and no ark of God, so surround- 
ed and defended by visible signs of his presence and glory, that they 
dare not, unbidden and unannointed, approach it. And even this must 
be tolerated. And nothing is too extravagant or too absurd to be pro- 
posed and advocated ; and what is more to the purpose, nothing is too 
extravagant or too absurd to be believed in and followed after. And 
there is variety, too, to suit every appetite and taste, the grossest and the 
most delicate. To some minds there is administered such coarse and 
indigestible stuff as the assigning of a day certain for the world's con- 
flagration ; and to others such etherial and delicious pabulum as the 
dreams of transcendental philosophy supply. These things always 
have been, and I suppose, always must be, and in our country, as else- 
where. Jt is idle to suppose they will not. And while I do not mean 
to object, and would not forbid, if I could, that the minds of men 
amongst us should wander over and touch every sort of theme and sub- 
ject, and object of thought, in the whole creation of God, and while I 
might be led to expect even some good to grow out of it, sooner or 
later, and in some way or other; yet I cannot help thinking and feel- 
ing, that after all, it is a most ungracious and unkind thing for men to 
set about disturbing, agitating, alarming, arousing, inflaming the pop- 
ular or social mind, on any matter, when no man can say there is the 
slightest chance that, when it comes to settle down again, it will be 
found that any advance has been made in intelligence, wisdom, good- 
ness, truth or happiness. The time taken up with the agitation is 
lost time, or much worse than lost ; and there is no sufficient or com- 
pensating good secured in the end. Faith is disturbed — an ancient 
faith, perhaps — a tried faith — a reverend faith, by which good men 
have lived in a long line, from age to age, and for which some have 
died— faith is disturbed; and habits of thought, and habits of life, all 
good, and of good tendencies, are disturbed ; employment is disturb- 
ed ; the social and domestic relations are disturbed — those which seem 
appointed by God himself to wall us in and secure us in the tranquil 
enjoyment of our pilgrim life ; and mind and heart are disturbed — 
yes, and distracted, and all true peace, and all substantial blessings 
are lost and sacrificed for a life time. And this happens to a whole 
generation of men, or more than one. And finally, and after all, the 
generations that follow are not benefitted. There has been enough 
of vicarious sacrifice and suffering, and all to no good purpose or ef- 
fect for any body. And I cannot help thinking and feeling also, when 
I see and consider how much valiant purpose, how much iron- willed, 
and indomitable resolution, how much masterly skill and ingenuity, 
how much patient research and toil, what fine intellectual strength and 
energy, and what learning oftentimes, are employed and expended in 
and about these popular and social agitations, which begin, continue and 
end in nothing — at least nothing really good and satisfactory ; I can- 
not help thinking and feeling that here has been a most unhappy and 
inexcusable waste of rich material and high instrumentality, which, if 
rightly directed and applied, would have wrought mightily and effec- 
tively for the spread and increase of light, and peace and joy on the 
earth. And hence it is that I think these things are to be deprecated. 



13 

To reconcile me to any new doctrine in religion, or in the philosophy 
of life, that may be or may have been proposed ; to any project for re- 
modelling society ; any plan by which society is to be recast, and men 
and women, thrown into new and strange relations to each other ; or 
to any violent struggles to overthrow sects, or to build up sects, against 
the prevailing and established habits and opinions of the time ; to re- 
concile me to any of these things, I must have strong demonstrations 
beforehand of the practical and sure advantages finally to be secured. 
And at any rate I much prefer to see those, who are able to put forth 
efficient action in such affairs, operate on the side of things as they 
are found to exist — operate to make the most of existing institutions, 
means and agencies, and to bring out from them the highest results 
they are capable of, for the good of all, and the advancement of all. 
I think they would be better employed — more usefully, and more ra- 
tionally. Here they would do good, if they did any thing. There 
would be no mischief, and no hazard of mischief — no evil, but unmix- 
ed benefit, or nothing. I know in such a course and career there 
might be less of notoriety, less opportunity to say and do remarkable 
things, less occasion for the display of eccentricities, and ideas and pro- 
jects out of the common way ; but there would be more dignity, more 
wisdom, more worth, and in the end more solid reputation. And, be- 
sides, I do not know what right any man has to indulge a passion for 
novelties and whimsicalities at the expense of society ; to step out of 
the plain path of life and duty, merely because it is plain and beaten, 
and bring society and a whole generation of men to a dead halt, for 
him to speculate upon, whether for his amusement, or to gratify his 
love of distinction. To a considerate and conscientious man I am sure 
it would be enough to deter from any mere experiment on society, 
that, at best, evil would certainly follow, whether any good should fol- 
low or not, and that whatever good there might be, the wisest could 
not undertake to say that the evil would not predominate. 

But whatever individuals may desire, or propose, or attempt, in the 
way of reforming, subverting or changing things which are well 
enough already, and which, at any rate, they are not likely to mend or 
make better, I think it is very desirable that there should be found, a. 
settled, stable, conservative spirit and strength in society, not to contend 
with them, but yet to resist them — to stand firm and keep the order 
and appointments of the whole social body firm, against all assaults 
and machinations. And here is work for the leading minds and men 
of the age to do. Here is a field for the high influence of the educa- 
ted, the talented and the wise to operate in. I know of no more im- 
portant, and no more glorious labor which any man in this country can 
propose to himself, than that of bringing all the powers of his mind, all 
the treasures of his learning, all the persuasive arts of his eloquence 
and all his moral influence to bear on the one point of keeping, as far 
as possible, the body of the people of this country steady ;ind firm in 
the Christian faith which belongs to them, whate^ er may be the par- 
ticular forms of doctrine and worship to which they may be attached 
in their respective communions, in the face of all the struggles of sec- 
tarianism, and all the arts of a false, worldy and seductive philosophy. 



14 

And 1 know of no character which would stand before the age with a 
presence at once so illuminous and pure, which all considerate and 
wise men would look upon — which God himself might look upon with 
more unalloyed complacency and delight, than that man who should strive 
to make himself a Peace-maker among the various and jarrmg sects 
and denominations of the Christian community, and who should labor 
to bind them together in the bonds of a true Chiistian brotherhood and 
Catholic unity, and in that peace which passeth understanding. 

Having said thus much of the repose so necessary to the community 
in regard to its religious faith, I come now to say something touching 
the Government of the country, and the interest which society has, 
and which we ail have, in being allowed to rest in the quiet and 
peacable enjoyment of its blessings and benefits, free from all distract- 
ing agitations, such as men of speculative habits, and restless and dis- 
contended spirits, in all countries, and especially in all free countries, 
on one pretence and another, are so apt to set on foot and promote. 

The Government of this country, as I have already characterized it, 
is a Representative Republican System, resting on written Constitu- 
tional Forms. This is the State System ; this is the Federal and Na- 
tional system. As our governments. State and National, counting 
from the oldest, have not yet had seventy years duration, there is no 
essential difficulty, in assigning to them their true origin. It is not 
hid in the darkness of hoary antiquity. And as they all rest in writ- 
ten Forms, and come into our hands with the commentaries and prac- 
tical interpretations of those who framed and set them up, there is no 
essential difficulty in the way of our understanding what they are, how 
they are designed to operate, on what basis they rest, what obligations 
they impose, and to what sanctions they appeal. 

As I have said in regard to the prevailing religious faith of the peo- 
ple, so I say of the Government — that for the American people, all 
things considered, this will do. It is generally thought, I believe, 
amongst us, that no other would do as well. And I speak of the sys- 
tem in the general frame, scope and design which it had as it came 
from the hands of those who constructed it. I take the system as they 
made it, and gave it to us ; adopted originally by the votes of the ma- 
jority of a select number composed of not more than one in five, or one 
in seven or ten in many cases, of the aggregate numbers of the peo- 
ple, and yet, when adopted, constituting governments to which all, 
without exception, owed obedience and submission. And governments 
too, which, existing at this day, by transmission, exercise legitimate 
authority over about twenty millions of persons, though not one in fifty 
and in reference to the older of our Constitutions not one in a hundred, 
of all who are now alive, was ever asked to give an express consent 
to them, or ever had a chance to give or to withhold such consent. 
And governments, moreover, so framed and constituted, that, in the 
generations succeeding ours, without one substantial or material fea- 
ture changed, if that should be so, and just as they came from the 
original framers of them, they may rightfully claim to exercise sove- 
reign power over forty, fifty or a hundred millions of souls, upon all 
and singular of whom the &olemn duty of fidelity and obedience will 



15 

rest, though not one soul among them should ever have bound himself 
by a formal personal consent. It is true, these governments may be 
changed in their fundamental structure, in certain modes prescribed in 
their original or existing charters, or it may be under the authority and 
lead of the Governments themselves. And it is true, also, that they 
may be subverted, like all other governments, by a general revolt — 
and Sydney, in his argument against the slavish doctrines of Sir 
Eobert Filmer's Patriarcha, declares that such a revolt is not a rebel- 
lion ; they may be subverted by a general revolt, which would be a 
common, simultaneous, authoritative and violent withdrawal of that pre- 
sumed consent of the governed, from which the just powers of govern- 
ment are derived ; but which consent is never to be deemed withdrawn 
or withholden, or in any manner or degree impaired or weakened, short 
of the clear and undisputed demonstrations which a general revolt af- 
fords. So long, however, as these governments remain unchanged ac- 
cording to constitutional or legal provisions for amendments, or remain 
unsubverted by a general revolt and by revolution, so long will they 
possess and carry with them from age to age and from generation to 
generation the high authority and command which properly belong to 
political sovereignties. They are governments, and as such, our 
Fathers established them — governments in the strict sense of the term 
— governments over the body of the people — governments to be obey- 
ed and submitted to, and not equivocal establishments which men may 
obey or disobey as they please — governments administered by repre- 
sentatives chosen by qualified electors, supposed to stand as sponsors 
for the whole people, and hy functionaries appointed under delegated 
powers emanating from the popular will, and governments, therefore, 
according to our notions, all the better entitled, not to our obedience 
only, reluctantly and sullenly yielded, but to our willing, cheerful, and 
glad submission, and to our affectionate support. 

Such is government in this country, and such, in general, are the 
duties of men and society in regard to it. Government is a thing we 
cannot escape from. We must have it, in one shape or another. If 
it is an evil, as some affect to think, it is a necessary evil ; and if there 
were no Government, if that were possible, there would not only be an 
evil in the state of things which would follow, but an evil absolutely 
unendurable even for a day, or an hour. Every people must have a 
government, and this people as every other ; and the question is, are 
we likely to have, or could we well have a better ? We are accus- 
tomed, generally in this country, to think not. I suppose, if it were 
now put to the vote throughout the Union, whether it was worth while 
, to change our government, either for any other distinct form of civil 
polity, or for a form of government materially modified from that which 
our Fathers devised, there would be found very small encouragement 
to any who might wish to see such changes effected. Such, undoubt- 
edly, is the present, prevailing sentiment and feeling of the American 
people, left to themselves. And yet if an attempt were seriously m.ade, 
and artfully and skilfully prosecuted, to unsettle the popular mind of 
the country in its general high estimate of our political institutions, 
and the affectionate confidence in which it is disposed to indulge to- 



16 

wards the government, there is little doubt, I am afraid, that such an 
attempt might be only too successful. I suppose it might be quite pos- 
sible, if any body should think it worth while to try the experiment, 
to excite a popular prejudice, and disaffection for the time being to- 
wards the political system which Adams, and Hamilton, and Jay, and 
Washington, and Madison approved and helped to establish. Perhaps 
there is no extent or extremity of change in regard to governmental 
forms, to which the American people might not be wrought— at least 
temporarily, by well concerted plans and modes of popular, appeal and 
agitation. 

And, unhappily, no man may undertake to say, in our country, what 
may not be attempted. What we all know is, that there are many 
among us, now as in times past, who do not seem to be at all satisfied 
with things as they are. There are many who think that the Consti- 
tution of the United States, could be made a great deal better, in a 
great many particulars. There are those who think that all our Con- 
stitutions as they came from the hand of our Revolutionary sires, stopt 
farshort of the just demands of popular liberty. There are those who 
think that this generation, and they themselves, are wiser, better in- 
structed and grounded in political doctrine, and understand better the 
true relations between government and the governed, than the genera- 
tion and the men of 1776 and 1787. They think, if they were put to 
it to-day, they could make a better Constitution than the Convention 
made, over which George Washington presided, and of which Rufus 
King, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Franklin, and James Madison 
were members. There are those who think, very honestly and decidedly, 
that government in this country, is still too far removed from the people ; 
who think that a Republic like that of Athens, if our numbers and out- 
spread population did not forbid, would be altogether preferable to the 
Republic we have; who think that every wave and heaving billow of 
popular sentiment and will, let the wind sit in what quarter it may, and 
blow never so capriciously, has the majesty of wisdom in it, as well as 
of strength, and that it is little better than treason to God, that any 
craft borne on these waters, should seek to steady itself, by rudder, 
ballast, or anchor, against their free impulse and action. And opin- 
ions of this sort, as every body must see, are just the kind of opinions 
to lead, to perpetual agitation. They are easily propagated. They com- 
mend themselves readily to popular acceptance. They are full of ap- 
parent, and I dare say well-meant kindness and sympathy towards the 
masses of men .; and sympathy with the masses, coming from those 
whom the chances of birth, and education and wealth have elevated 
above their sphere, never fails to command their grateful regard, and 
their affectionate confidence. And then, too, doctrines which assume 
for the people an instinctive wisdom and angelic virtues, are just what 
every body might wish to be true ; which many benevolent and chari- 
table persons will easily persuade themselves to believe, and which 
many others, not so benevolent and charitable, will affect to believe. 
Who would not wish it were true, that all men were " a law unto 
themselves," and needed no other law for their government ? Who 
would not wish it were true, that when once men are associated together 



17 

to form a body politic, they lose, in that capacity, the common infirmi- 
ties of their nature — ignorance, prej adice, and passion — and immedi- 
ately present an aggregate and mass, from whole counsels, expressed 
in a majority of voices, nothing but wisdom, moderation and justice 
can ever flow ? Who would not wish that the cumbrous and expen- 
sive machinery of Government might be altogether dispensed with, 
and men left to govern themselves by spontaneous and unrestricted ac- 
tion, free from the awkward restraints of Constitutional and legal 
Forms ? No wise man looks for such a political millenium as long as 
the world stands ; and yet, we constantly hear of political theories, 
maintained, too, with good ability, and with the aids and advantages 
of considerable learning, by the political Godwins of the day, which 
involve legitimately all these extravagant notions and expectations. 

In a country like ours, where opinion, and speech and the press have 
such unrestricted freedom, and where political power and consequence 
are held by the tenure of the popular will, besides many honest and 
well-meant efforts to improve upon our political system, and to ad- 
vance the happiness and freedom of the people, we must expect many 
other efforts having the like professed objects in view, but looking 
mainly to the personal gratification or advancement of those who ori- 
ginate and prosecute them. I do not know why the American Repub- 
lic should not be as good a field for demagogues to flourish in, as the 
Athenian Republic was. If we have not had them, I am sure we 
shall have them. The proper materials for them to work with are 
increasing every day. These things are to be expected. And between 
honest efforts to advance the true interests of the people and of the 
country, and the movements and operations of artful, selfish and in- 
triguing politicians, it will oftentimes be hard to discriminate. So, 
too, who is the Statesman and who the Demagogue, will often be a 
puzzling question. Not unfrequently it may be found that the same 
individual unites both characters with some degree of eminence in his 
own person. Examples may be found in the Ancient Republic, if 
they have not already been seen in our own. At any rate, it is easy 
to see that the honest and humble citizen of this country, and the peo- 
ple to whom the appeal must always come, are likely to have enough 
to do to keep themselves on the common high-road of honesty, duty, 
peace and safety. 

And now, in view of all these things, and considering how little real 
occasion there is with us, as a general thing, for political agitations, 
and how much practical mischief they usually produce, I wish to be 
allowed to say — and I sa}^ it in all humility, and in all kindness and 
^deference towards others who may think differently — that I know of 
no happiness for my country so much to be desired as that she should 
be left, under the guidance of wise and unambitious counsels, to the 
natural and easy development of the proper advantages of her position, 
just as it is, and of her institutions ver}^ much as they are, for at least 
one whole generation. It would be a blessed exemption indeed, if 
we might promise ourselves, that for only one quarter of a century, 
we might be free from all plans and projects having for their object 
changes in the fundamental features of our political system, by which 

3 



18 

the general character, unit}', design and operation of the government 
might be materially affected, or by which the integrity and hornogenious- 
ness of the American people might be destroyed or impaired. 

Looking at the American Eevolution as forming a new and most 
remarkable epoch in the history of popular liberty ; considering the 
consummate wisdom and skill which our fathers displayed in the con- 
struction of free governments — in which they discovered so intimate a 
knowledge of human nature, and so profound an acquaintance with 
political science ; recollecting what a mighty advance was thus made 
in the theory of government, from the doctrines of Filmer and the Stu- 
arts, and from everything that had ever been seen or attempted in prac- 
tice, in any age or any quarter of the world ; remembering, too, what 
the Revolution cost — a war of seven years, during all which time the 
country suffered all the evils and horrors of an actual invasion by an 
exasperated and ruthless enemy, was turned into one universal camp, 
and its inhabitants compelled to fight for existence at the very doors of 
their own dwellings ; taking all these things into the account, I can- 
not help feeling that it is due to that great event, and to the great 
men by whom it was achieved, and to the careful labors which they 
bestowed on the adjustment of Governmental Forms, adapted, as they 
believed, to secure the just rights and advance the highest interests of 
the people, that, at least, a fair trial should be made of the system 
which they devised and established. It is not an unimportant consi- 
deration in this connection, that the difficulty which was experienced 
in bringing the political elements of the country into a national aggre- 
gation and union, under forms favorable to popular liberty, was, as 
every body knows, very great, that the object was only just gained by 
almost superhuman exertions, and by the blessing and good provi- 
dence of God ; and that now, if ance that union be disturbed 
• — if once that beautiful and expressive unity of political design, and 
operation, which is accomplished in our system be broken — no human sa- 
gacity, God alone, may tell how and when the like can ever be formed 
again, or what will become of the disjointed, distracted and wretched 
fragments. What we know is, that in such an event, these fragments 
— unlike disjecta membra poetae — w411 retain little or nothing of the 
grace and fragrance which they had when connected together — little 
or nothing to remind the world of that remarkable and noble structure, 
so complete in harmonious proportion and poetic beauty, to which they 
had once belonged. 

It were an idle wish, perhaps, but it is a wish which will rise in the 
heart of one who desires nothing out of our political establishments 
and affairs but happiness and peace for his countrymen, that the Go- 
vernments which our fathers provided for us, had heretofore command- 
ed, and that they should now command somewhat more of thp respect, 
the confidence, the reverence of their children, than they have always 
done, or do at the present time. Can any one look back to the period 
of the adoption of our Constitutions, State and National, and to the 
administrations of government under them in the first years of their 
existence and operation, and consider the character of those adminis- 
trations, consulting for nothing but what concerned the general wel- 



19 

fare — acting in harmony with an enlightened and sober public senti- 
ment and popular will — no man's rights invaded, no man's liberty- 
encroached upon — the equality of all before the law strictly maintained 
—elections falling on the wisest, purest and best men — and the peo- 
ple obedient to the laws, faithful to the government, giving honor to 
whom honor was due, contented, peaceful, happy ; can any man turn 
his regards to this period and portion of our country's history and then 
believe that any thing worth the while would be gained by any radi- 
cal changes in our political system, by any new experiments in the 
science of government, such as have been or are likely to be proposed 
to the American people — that anything would be gained to the govern- 
ment in wisdom, purity, singleness of purpose, regard for the will or 
the welfare of the people, or anything gained to the people, in intelli- 
gence, in patriotism, in regard for law and order, in true freedom, in 
security for property, or person, or for life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness, in prosperity, in contentment, in substantial enjoyment ? 
Certainly, I think not. And if there be any one who looks forward to 
the attainment of any higher security for popular rights and popular 
liberty than the free institutions devised by oar fathers are capable of 
affording ; any one who looks for any state of things in which personal 
protection, personal freedom, equal privileges, observance of the laws, 
justice, the preservation of the Constitution and of the Union, and the 
great interests of national peace and national honor, shall be better 
provided for than they may be under our Constitutional Forms, taking 
them in their grand outline and main features, as our fathers framed 
them, when administered in purity and according to their true intent 
and spirit ; if any one expects this, and expects to see anything of the 
sort accomplished by radical changes, by any changes affecting mate- 
rially the great compromises of the Federal Constitution, affecting the 
unity and integrity of the government and of the American people, or 
the relations between the government and the governed, or affecting 
the just sentiments and opinions prevailing, or which once prevailed 
in the public aiind, in regard to the sacredness of the Constitution, the 
authority of government and the duty of obedience ; if there be any 
one who looks for snch a bettering of the public condition, and by such 
means, I profess, before high heaven, that I believe it is all — all a 
miserable delusion. 

I must not be understood as expressing the opinion that no alteration 
or amendments of our American Constitutions have been made since 
they were first established, which have improved them, or that other 
amendments may not be necessary. Some changes have been requi- 
fed by the altered state of things in the community, and others by the 
experience of practical evils and inconveniences under particular origi- 
nal provisions. I am not, and have not been, against such improve- 
ments as these, either in the past, or in the future. Whatever is real- 
ly old and useless, whatever is really obsolete or mischievous, must be 
thrown away. But, at least, let us firsi bring things to the test of a 
patient ^rial. I would have no changes for the sake of change, or be- 
cause like the pampered children of ease and luxury, we are spoiled 
for the enjoyment of the ten thousand substantial blessings of our lot 



2i) 

and condition. And alterations of our governments in their founda- 
tions and substructure, to satisfy any new notions of what government 
is, or what it ought to be ; how, or by whom, or after what manner 
of proceeding, it is or should be conducted ; or any new notions of 
what liberty is, widely variant from the sound political sentiments 
and faith of our fathers ; changes in our Constitutions, or in the con- 
struction of them, in favor of any new political creed, or any new po- 
litical hobby, at odds with any thing and every thing which, on a fair 
interpretation, is now found in them, or which may be found in the 
contemporaneous exposition of them, or in the recorded opinions, testi- 
mony and counsels of those who devised them — all such changes and. 
alterations, whensoever and wheresoever proposed, and all attempts to 
bring them about, and all agitations in their behalf, I confess and 
agree that I do deprecate and deplore; because, whatever merits such 
new doctrines or new projects may seem to possess, I do not think, and 
cannot be made to think, that there would be any solid gain in them 
to the people or the country, to compensate in any degree for the mon- 
strous evils to which we are certainly exposed, when we unsettle the 
public mind in regard to so grave a matter as government, its autho- 
rity, and the obedience that is due to it, and put popular opinion afloat 
in a sea of uncertainties, and in pursuit of wild, roving, if not piratical 
adventures, from which it may never return, or ever see land again. 
We know very well that great hazards must always attend all new ex- 
periments in matters of government, and especially all attempts to im- 
bue the popular mind with new and sublimated notions on a subject, 
with which the soundest practical wisdom alone is fit to deal. 

I recur to a sentiment which I have before expressed. That it seems 
to me, the people of this country may well be allowed, for the present 
time, at least, to settle down into something like quiet and repose, so 
far as relates to Forms of Government and the leading principles on 
which they should be conducted, under the great event of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, and the consequent establishment of our Free Repub- 
lican Institutions — just as they may well rest satisfied with the religi- 
gous forms and faith to which they are accustomed, with the Bible in 
hand, and under the great event of the Reformation. For one, I do 
not want to see them disturbed in the proper enjoyment of the benefits 
and blessings of the government they have, by being pursuaded to 
strive and toil, all their lives long, for some far off and unattainable 
state of political perfection, o'r popular millenial glory. I look upon 
Government as something to be enjoyed — just as religion is, or should 
be, something to be enjoyed, and not forever contended about — and 
just as life itself is something to be enjoyed. And I do not think that 
that man is to be regarded as the friend of his fellow-citizens, or his 
fellow-men, who would persuade them to become wretched or unhappy 
for the want of some fancied good, whether in politics, in religion, or 
in the common affairs of life, which they may struggle after forever 
and not attain, and which, if attained, would not bring them the slight- 
est accession of advantage, benefaction, or blessing. We may depend 
on it, that no man living will ever see the American people enjoying, 
in a higher degree, all the rational advantages, securities and benefits 



21 

of free forms of government, than they have enjoyed in times past, 
and especially in the earlier years of our History ; and my opinion is 
that they will do infinitely well if the future shall be equal to the past 
in this respect. 

No department of human business or human interests is half so well 
supplied with voluntary and self-devoted apostles and ministers, as 
that of politics. The Church, the legal and medical professions, the 
department of education, of science, of arts, of charity itself, are all 
poor in the article of field laborers, compared with the department of 
politics. A large proportion of these are reformers, or inventors and 
projectors, or belong to the schools of such. They fill the land with 
wise suggestions for the better securing of popular rights and popular 
privileges — suggestions certainly not always without some show of 
plausible ground to stand on, but a thousand times to one made with- 
out the slightest regard to the important consideration, whether the ad- 
vantage proposed, supposing it to be secured, wonld not be attained at 
the cost of other advantages and enjoyments infinitely more valuable. 
I do not say that the people could afford to dispense with the servi- 
ces and ministrations of these generous friends and servants of theirs; 
but it cannot, I think, be doubted that there would be an infinite gain 
to the people, if many more of all these than we have been accustom- 
to see, could be persuaded to unite in an honest desire and purpose to 
make the most of the government just as it stands, to put all its just 
powers to task, to make them yield all the securities and all the bene- 
factions they are capable of, watchful at the same time to expose and 
prevent any attempt, if any is made, to pervert its powers to ambitious 
designs, or to personal or party objects, to the detriment of the public 
good, and the hazard of the public peace, and of popular freedom. 

Patriots ! friends of the People ! and friends of popular liberty all 
over the world ! What a mission is yours, if only" it were rightly used. 
"What glorious fruits might these free Institutions of ours be made to 
yield, under prudent and honest culture. How ye might persuade the 
people to a just appreciation of the rights and privileges they enjoy, 
to a just regard and reverence for the constitution and laws, to fidelity 
and obedience, to contentment, to peace, and true enjoyment and dig- 
nity. And how attractive might ye thus make our free Institutions, 
and our free country in the eyes of mankind — how much might ye 
thus do to commend free government to acceptance and adoption else- 
wherev, and finally, perhaps, every where — how much more in this na- 
tural, rational, and becoming way, than in any other, than by any di- 
rect interference with the affairs of other nations, or by any attempts 
to propagate our system, through the arts and intrigues of cunning di- 
plomacy, or by the sword. 

In conclusion, I come back to the point from which I took my de- 
parture at the commencement of this discourse. Associations like 
those before which I have now the honor to appear, are designed to aid 
in the pursuit of knowledge. They assume, what I would gladly in- 
sist upon, if that were necessary, that personal acquisition of know- 
ledge, the employment and improvement of the intellectual and moral 
powers — a steady, life long indulgence in the use of libraries, and 



22 

other aida to cultivation — is a thing- of great importance and great 
value, and is essential to any very high degree of personal and social 
enjoyment. In this country, for reasons which I need not stop to name, 
and which are apparent and familiar to all, the means, and the neces- 
sary leisure, for persona] culture and improvement, beyond the ordi- 
dary advantages of the common school, the academy, and the college, 
are made to reach a much larger circle, to extend over a much wider 
and deeper space in the community, than any where else, perhaps, on 
the habitable globe. Now, there can be no doubt that much of this 
very superior advantage, and of the enjoyment which ought to grow 
out of it, is lost or wasted, for want of that easy and dignified rest and 
repose of society, which the condition of things in our country certainly 
ought to ensure, which ought to belong essentially to a people blessed 
with such a religion and such a government as we have, but which, as 
we all know, is perpetually broken by agitations set on foot to work out 
some equivocal or imaginary good, at the cost of all present peace and 
happiness. 

And here it is that I would have the educated young men, and all 
the leading minds of the country take their stand — namely : against 
agitation, experiment, and inconsiderate and unnecessary change, in 
affairs of such high concernment to society, as those which I have been 
considering in this address. They and all will find enough to do in 
laboring to bring out the best results they can from existing institutions 
and establishments. 

Our people, except by their own fault or folly, have less excuse, or- 
dinarily, than any other in the world for being distressed by painful 
solicitude, or harrassed and distracted by anxious cares. My humble 
advice to all men, if it be not presumptuous in me to offer advice to any 
is to secure the greatest enjoyment they reasonably can, out of the pre- 
sent time, and the things of the present time, only taking care that all 
their proper duties are faithfully performed ! If conscience be at ease, 
let them make themselves quite at ease about other things. If they 
would please God, let them gratefully, day by day, enjoy the life he 
has given them, in the rational way, and with the rational means, 
which he allows and supplies. I would have their life belie the aphor- 
ism of Pope : 

" Man never is, but always to 5e blest," 

With health, with steady employment, with a moderate supply of 
the means of support and indulgence, with books, with friends, with 
social pleasures, with domestic delights, with a pure religion, with a 
free government — why, why should not a man be happy ? Certainly, 
if he be not happy with these, he stands little chance to become so, 
with any changes that may be wrought either in his opinions, or in his 
condition. Neither individuals nor society can be respectable, much 
less happy, if there be nothing settled or stable about them, or in them. 
In such leading and grave matters as religion and government espe- 
cially, the public mind, ought to be satisfied and at rest ; and if there 
is any country on earth where there is no excuse or apology for being 
otherwise, it is our own. It is the freest, it ought to be the most moral 
and religious — my desire and prayer to God is, that it riaay be the 
happiest country on the Globe. 



lT- 



